Fontevraud Abbey
Fontevraud abbey was founded in 1101 by Robert de Abrissel, it is situated in the Loire valley in the former Duchy of Anjou. Henry II, Eleanor of Aquitaine and Richard the Lionheart were buried there.
In the same area just 33 miles away is Angers castle and here we have Sir Hughes de Claye, the author in 1158 of a book supporting Henry II, De Majorata et Senescalcia Franciae. Hughes was clerk to Geoffrey Plantaganet, see The Warren (Hyde() Chronicle, Van Howts and Love. Geoffrey was the son of Fulk V and also the father of Henry II of England so Hughes was obviously in good company.
We can see in the, Regesta Regum Anglo - Normannorum 1066 - 1154, a book listing charters that Hughes de Claye is written De Cleis, Claris, Cleers, Clere, Cleris, Claies, Cleriis, Clefs, the spelling of his first name also changes, as does the man identified as his brother Geoffrey, we also find two other brothers Fulco and Mathew. However the spelling, it is quite clear that we are talking about the same people . There is no mention in the book of Sainfredus. There are approximately 30 charters with their names on, all of them but one concerning the Duchy of Anjou and Normandy.
Both Geoffry and Hugh are listed as dapifers, senescallus or stewards of la Fleche. The stewards position in Anjou was not a household one but was the chief administrator of a province, Geoffry and Hugo served as such to both Henry II and his father Geoffrey, Count of Anjou.
1071 - 83. Ralph, Gilbert. Ralph De Tosny.
c1116. Geoffrey. John Girbaldi.
c1116. Geoffrey. Gabri De Monacho.
c1120. Geoffrey. Ralph De Monacho.
1120. Geoffrey. Reginald De Braseio.
1120. Geoffrey. Gauberiis De Clichbone.
1120. Geoffrey. Almerci De Marilleis.
1122. Sainfredus. Adelaide De Quibusdam.
1122. Geoffrey. Unknown.
1123. Geoffrey. Ralph De Monacho.
1129. Geoffrey. Fulk V.
1130. Roger. Henry
1145. Geoffrey. Bayeaux.
1144 - 46. Geoffrey. Duke Geoffrey.
1146. Hugo. Duke Geoffrey.
1146 - 47. Hugo. Duke Geoffrey.
1144 - 50. Hugo. Duke Geoffrey.
1144 - 50. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Geoffrey.
1147. Geoffrey. Duke Geoffrey.
1150. Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1151. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1151. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1151. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1151. Hugo, Geoffrey. Count Godfrey.
1151 - 53. Ugoni (Hugo). Duke Henry.
1151 - 53. Fulco. Duke Henry.
1151 - 54. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1152 - 54. Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1152. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1153. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1153. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1153. Hugo, Geoffrey Henry Count of Anjou.
1154. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1154. Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1155. Oelard Matilda.
1156. Geoffrey. Henry II
1156. Hugo, Geoffrey. Duke Henry.
1156 - 57. Hugo. Henry II
1156 - 59. Hugo. Henry II
1156 - 62. Hugo. Henry II
1159. Hugo. Henry II
1162. Hugo. Henry II
1168. Hugo. Henry II
1169. Hugo. Henry II
The recorded history of the Clefs that we have, reputedly there are earlier charters, starts with Gerard De Clef in 1087. Gerard is the father of Geoffrey, Hugh and Fulco.
Gerard is an administrator for Jean De Flèche, count of Maine,he also appears in charters of Helias, the son of Jean, who became Count of Maine on his fathers death.
Ermengade, the daughter of Helias, inherited the county of Maine on her fathers death. Ermerngade married Fulk V of Anjou and the Clefs family carried on working for him.
Hugh was sent on a diplomatic mission by Fulk to the king of France.
Fulk V reigned as Count of Anjou until 1129 when he then became King of Jerusalem, leaving his son Geoffrey as Count of Anjou. The Clef family prospered under Geoffrey.
Geoffrey the elder brother may have already been appointed Seneschal of La Flèche by 1128 meaning he too would have been working for Fulk V and we can see him in a charter of Fulk V in 1129. In 1133 there is confirmation of him in this position, later in 1143 he holds the position of Consillarius Meus (advisor) to Count Geoffrey.
In 1146, Geoffrey is no longer Seneschal of La Flèche, that role being taken by his brother Hugh.
Geoffrey assisted Count Geoffrey in the establishment of a leper house in La Flèche.
In 1144 Count Geoffrey conquered the Duchy of Normandy and Geoffrey was with him, he witnessed the siege of Rouen and he is also mentioned in a charter of Bayeux abbey. Fulco and Hugh remained in Anjou.
In 1146 Fulco was promoted to the position of Seneschal of Chataneuf by pledging, Leige Homage.
Three castles were now under the control of the two brothers, Chataneuf, Bauge and La Flèche.
After the death of Count Geoffrey in 1151, Hugh and Geoffrey continued in the service of his son Henry II,King of England, Count of Anjou and Duke of Normandy.
In 1153, Henry returned to England and he left his wife in the care of two trusted members of his household, one of whom was Geoffrey.
Geoffrey and Hugh appear together for the last time in a charter dated 1156, there after we only see Hugh and he last appears in a charter of 1169.
Fulco last appears in 1153.
It is likely that Geoffrey is the untitled lord we see listed in 1122.
It is claimed that the De Clef family were Seneschals of La Flèche as early as 1060 but no proof of that has been forthcoming.
The family were likely knights during their period of service with Fulk and Helias and their positions expanded greatly under Geoffrey of Anjou.
In the book, Mélanges d’ Histoire du Moyer age, they are described as a noble and ancient family.
The reason the name of Clefs was anglicised to Claye is the pronunciation, Clefs in French is pronounced Cley.
We have many mentions of the family in old French history books and we have a mention of Hugh in a letter from Bishop John of Rouen to Thomas Becket in July 1164.
There is mention of William De Cleers in 1235 described as a grandson or Nephew of Geoffrey.
The name of Mathew De Cleers also appears on a charter alongside that of Hugh, Fulco and Geoffrey in c1146, was he a brother or a son of one of the three men?
Here is some of the information from the history books.
Name. Book
John. 1095. Archives Historiques De Poitou. Page 301
Pierre. 1189. Memoire Della Reale Accademia. Page 262
Jocerand 1219. Memoire Della Reale Accademia. Page 61
Pierre. 1236. Memoire Della Reale Accademia. Page 61
Humbert. 1345. Memoire Della Reale Accademia Page 61
Jean. 1371. Memoire Della Reale Accademia Page 61
Jaquemond 1377. Memoire Della Reale Accademia. Page 61
Geoffrey de Claye is listed as a canon of the cathedral of Angers in 1462.
Dame. 1473. Histoire Genealogique De la Maison Royale De
France
Jean. 1502. Cartulaire De L’Abbaye De Cysorig Page 532
Claudine. 1524. Recherches Historique Sur L’Anjou. Page 536
Humbert
Jean
Aimee. 1571. Pieces Fugitives Pour A l’Historique Page 147
Humbert. 1608. Pieces Fugitives Pour A l’Historique
Finally we come to John De Cleers who in 1656, along with many other people was naturalized as an English citizen in a bill before the Houses of Parliament.
At present we have not located a coat of arms for the De Clefs family.
July 1164
To his most respected lord and holy father Thomas, by the grace of God Archbishop of Canterbury, his own John, by the same grace humble minister of the church of Poitiers, salvation and virtue of holy perseverance.
After receiving your letter, my lord, I allowed myself less than a day to prepare for my trip, because even a delay of an hour troubled me, after reading the letter, which contained nothing other than the only supplication that I offer my service in a matter so crucial that, to use your own words, it will leave a stain on your conscience if your request is not successful. I admit, my lord, that the letter brought tears to my eyes; his insistent entreaty, made with such prayer, seemed to cast doubt on your friend's loyalty. However, if I may say so, to save my lord's peace, I would rather you be less of the skeptical type, as your name suggests, than find me devoid of devotion. And although I would have paid little attention to the gossip of my Poitevins by undertaking this journey, as you ordered, I nevertheless wanted to deflect their vain speculations, without revealing the nature of the business to be done. It is for this reason that I publicly declared that I intended to go to Tours to meet the Bishop of Évreux, the Constable Richard de Humez, William FitzHamo and the other royal officials who were to be there at that time to discuss the peace of the counts of Auvergne.
In any case, I needed to know their opinion on the incredible harshness of the new commandments that our Luscus, whose mental eye God has completely blinded, and Simon de Turnebu, constable of Thouars, had brought to me in the name of the king. They had come to Poitiers a few days after the Apostles' birthday and had dragged me away alone, as if they had a private mandate for me, although they had brought Henri the butler with them, so that in if necessary he could later testify to the fact that their mission had been correctly accomplished. When I strongly insisted that I could summon at least one of my people to my side, whether it was an abbot - because I had many with me - or from one of the dignitaries of my cathedral, or at least one of the canons, this was not permitted, since they had received the transmission mandates from me alone, and not to others.
In this way, they forbade me from usurping anything that touched the dignity of the king, with a severe threat. When I replied that I would gladly obey this order, they finally came to spiritual matters, ordering that I would not dare summon any member of my diocese in any dispute concerning real estate on the complaint of widows, orphans or members of the clergy, until the king's administrators, or those of the lords to whose charge the property in dispute belonged, had failed to do them justice; then that I would not hear anyone under the accusation of usury. Furthermore, I was forbidden to pronounce a sentence of excommunication against a baron without his knowledge, or rather until he had presented him to me for justice in cases where I had jurisdiction. These were for the most part the matters in which I was supposed to act against the royal dignity, and especially in regard to the inheritances of the clergy, whom I was supposed to presumptuously protect from the exercise of public and personal services, whatever whatever the reason. title under which they were detained. To each of
That in these cases a penalty was attached, should I usurp any of them in the future. Although more severe measures had been imposed on them with regard to my person, they said, and although they spared me even at the risk of their lives, they would extend the punishment to others, so that if someone responded to my summons to respond to the call, accusations from one of these privileged people, all his property would be confiscated, and he himself would be sent to the public prison for having responded to a pleading in our presence; but in cases concerning moneylenders, both the plaintiff who came to us and the defendant who answered the accusation in our court were to suffer the same penalties. And if I pronounced a sentence of excommunication against those who refused to answer in our presence, or against all those who held the king in charge, without consulting them, the excommunicated would know that it would not displease the king if they raised their hand upon my person or encroach upon my property, or take action against the persons and property of any of my clergy who has promulgated the sentences by my order, or observed them.
In response to these mandates, I humbly and respectfully replied that although I had heard all these things for myself, I needed to bring them to the attention of my church, because these were their freedoms that I had exercised until now. now, and which I am now forbidden to use; and if I renounced it without consulting them, there would be nothing other than what could fall on my head. However, when they learned that I would continue to exercise our freedoms after discussing it with our church, they publicly promulgated the edicts, first in front of several Poitevin barons, then among our own fellow citizens. As I said above, I took the opportunity to go to Tours to discover the opinions of the other royal administrators. I even added that if I could not obtain reliable and clear advice from them, it would be useful for me to seek some at Sens, at the consistory of the Lord Pope. Arriving in Tours under the pretext of this consultation, I discovered that the aforementioned officers of the king, having already decided that they would go to Auvergne, had left the same day for the castle of Loches. I followed them, now my diplomatic mission, to Loches, and there I found William FitzHamo and Hugh de Cleers.
That others had left for Châteauroux just before dawn. Although I found that they had almost no advice to give me on the affairs of my church, I was delighted to have the opportunity to speak to Hugh de Cleers about the letter you wrote to him . When I noticed that his clerk G. was not with him, I added that I had received instructions from you to take the place of the absent clerk both to read the letter and to discuss it once read, and even to write you a response, if he wished to respond. And as he did not have time to say what he wanted, he asked me to give him the letter that you had sent to his clerk G., as well as the one that I had read to him before, and that he would keep it. both safe until he answers you, on his promise that no other eye than that of the first name G. would see them. As far as I know, he is concerned about the wrongs that are being done to the Church of God, perhaps not so much out of consideration for sacred things, at least out of concern for the king who, as far as I know, see, he fears to be struck in everything he does by the God he seems to offend. But I could only follow the lord bishop of Évreux and those who left with him by letter, since they had already left for their journey, and I sent you back from the fortress the bearer of this letter. of Loches. But I also sent a letter ahead in which I asked the Abbot of Pontigny to meet me at the Curia. He and the abbots of Clairvaux¹³ and Fossanova, also members of his order, will help us manage your affairs, if we meet them at the Curia. When all these things are accomplished, as God permits, we will send you a messenger with all the news relating to your affairs and ours which we judge worthy to be related to you. For the rest, I beg you, father, by your favor, to allow your clerk, my friend Thurstan of Bekesbourne, to come and visit me at least once. I will send it back to you immediately, if you need it. Farewell.